Report37Wustp1928 - page 1 of 1.pdf

DIRECT GERMAN IMMIGRATION TO MARYLAND IN

THE 18TH CENTURY

(A Preliminary Survey)

By KLAUS WUST

Despite rather laborious computations no satisfactory figures are avail-

able regarding the total number of German-speaking immigrants who came

to North America during the 18th century. The colonial German element

in particular has remained in the minds of most researchers associated with

the term "Pennsylvania Germans (or Dutch)" and it is still commonly

asserted that all the onward movement into the South and West originated

among Germans who had landed in the port of Philadelphia. A few ex-

ceptions are usually noted, e. g. the Palatines of the New York project of

1710, the Salzburgers in Georgia, settlers in Louisiana and Nova Scotia, or

some ill-fated direct importations to the Carolinas.

In his standard work The Maryland Germans Dieter Cunz stated in

1948: "One point in particular should be made: the share of the Pennsyl-

vania Dutch in the settlement of Western Maryland has long been over-

estimated."¹ Many descendants of 18th century German settlers have

found out the truth of his statement when they referred to the arrival

records of Philadelphia, and their search for the immigrant ancestor was

frustrated right then and there. Random checks of rosters of German

church members and land owners of the immigrant generation in Baltimore

and Frederick County show that as many as one half, in some cases even

more, of these people do not appear on the ship lists kept for the port of

Philadelphia. We know also that ships with German immigrants did come

to ports on the Potomac and the Chesapeake Bay throughout the 18th

century but no arrival or passenger lists were kept for Annapolis, Baltimore

and other points of landing in Maryland. Even the "Port of Annapolis

Entries 1748-1775" at best provide us only with a partial impression of the

number of German passengers carried on arriving ships.² Comparable

records for Baltimore are lacking altogether.

An initial survey of available information supports the assumption that

a considerable number of colonial settlers of Maryland and Virginia had

come through Maryland ports. Such statement can be made safely for the

decades following the opening of western territories for settlement in both

colonies. Prior to the 1740's very few ships landed Germans in Maryland,

and it is doubtful if Maryland had been their intended destination. When

during the great Rhenish exodus of 1710 a boatload of "Palatines" arrived

unexpectedly in the Bay, it was a matter to be brought before the Assem-

bly. Both houses concurred "to Encourage the said Palatines and make

them as easy as possible they can," freeing them from taxes for the first

year ashore.³ Immigration to Maryland, small as it was, came almost

exclusively from the British Isles. Indeed there was no market for foreign

redemptioners in the slave-oriented Tidewater country other than for some

indentured servants, notably Irish, who could reasonably be expected to

understand English.

[ 19 ]

Late in 1722 a ship with German redemptioners arrived at the "head

of Elk River" but the captain was unable to find takers for most of his

passengers. By January 1723 we read that "the Palatines who were adver-

tised to be at the head of Elk River in Maryland, are now come up to

Philadelphia and will be disposed of for five years each, to any one paying

their passage money at 10 £ per head. If any of their friends, the Dutch

at Conestoga, have a mind to clear any of them, they may see them at this

Port."

Among the few who had found people willing to contract Germans

for their passage money were perhaps Maria and Godfrey Gash to whom

Calvert certified in December 1727 that they had become "free Persons,

and under no Debt or Contract to any Person."

It seems from all available evidence that the first organized group of

Germans entering Maryland directly from overseas had not embarked in

Holland with that destination in mind. In a letter signed by 25 men it was

stated that "the Ship in which we agreed to go to Pennsylvania is not

Arrived but in the province of Maryland."

Neither the date of the letter

nor the names of the signers have been preserved. Yet there can be little

doubt that this was the colony headed by John Thomas Schley, the 32

year old schoolmaster and organist of Appenhofen. Prospective emigrants

frequently rallied around a teacher or minister who was willing to emigrate

himself. This should not infer that such a leader had actively recruited

people on behalf of some emigration agent or landowner. Often the pastor

or teacher was victimized as much as his followers at the hands of unscrup-

ulous shippers or captains.

Schley emigrated with a group of relatives and neighbors from Appen-

hofen, Billigheim, Heuchelheim, Mörzbach, Rohrbach and other communi-

ties of the Landau area in the Palatinate. Though local historians have

repeatedly given 1735 as the year of arrival of the Schley group, conclusive

evidence from church records of the Billigheim parish shows that Schley

was still in Appenhofen in 1743. By 1746 he and his companions were

definitely settled on the Monocacy in Maryland.

Thus the emigration must

have taken place in 1744 or 1745. Such dating makes their arrival at an

unexpected destination quite plausible. The prominence of privateering on

both sides during the War of the Austrian Succession (1740-48) had not

sensibly effected immigrant shipping between Rotterdam and North America

until 1744 when very successful Spanish and French operations threw the

routine North Atlantic run into complete disarray. In that year several

thousand Germans sought passage to America in Dutch ports. Four ships

made the voyage to Philadelphia without incident, though somewhat delayed,

but several others, trying to outsail privateers, went considerably off course.

The Muscliff Galley, Capt. George Durell, was chased by French privateers

and did not reach Philadelphia till three days before Christmas. Capt.

Robert Brown diverted his St. Andrews to Charleston and brought his load

of 300 Germans safely into port late in January 1745. Another ship reached

Philadephia in February with not more than fifty of 400 passengers alive

after spending all winter on the seas. Spanish warships intercepted the

Argyle enroute to Philadelphia and removed Capt. Robert Stedman from

board.

By the late spring of 1745 no more emigrant ships were loaded in

English or Dutch ports. In view of such incidents the Philadelphia-bound

Schley group was indeed fortunate to have arrived safely in Maryland

where, moreover, immigrants were particularly welcome at precisely that

time.

On the Monocacy the years between 1744 and 1748 were marked by the

first consolidation of the pioneer settlement made largely by Germans who

[20]

had arrived overland from adjacent Pennsylvania. What had been a wilder-

ness in 1730 was now rapidly being transformed into a thriving farm colony

ready to absorb newcomers as soon as they could be had. Even the land

speculators, foremost among them Daniel Dulany and Lewis Carroll, were

taken by surprise at the pace of agricultural development in the German

settlements. Both became convinced that the direct importation of immi-

grants would not only further accelerate the peopling of their holdings but

it would enable Marylanders to profit from the trade such shipping would

bring to the Chesapeake ports.

Daniel Dulany in particular, as Dieter Cunz pointed out, began to take

a personal interest in his German tenants and purchasers and found himself

soon in the role of a patriarch.

He extended generous assistance which,

according to all evidence, he never had reason to regret. The German

settlers in turn, both those who had come overland from Pennsylvania, and

the recent arrivals from Annapolis, obligingly wrote letters back to their

countrymen in Germany. Dulany furnished translations of two such letters

to Lord Baltimore. The first one was written by the former Pennsylvanians:

We whose names the hereunder Subscribed all Natives of Germany, by

this do acquaint our Country men with our Settlement (some Years

since) in the Province of Maryland, into which Province we came from

Pensilvania, for the sake of Better Land & Easier terms, & we assure

you, that the land in this Province is very fertile, & produces everything

in Great Abundance, we here Enjoy full Liberty of Conscience, and

the Law of the Land is so constituted, that every man is secure in the

Enjoyment of his Property; the meanest person is out of the reach of

Oppression, from the most Powerfull nor Can anything be taken from

him without his receiving Satisfaction for it, all such of our Country-

men who have an inclination to Settle in this province & will be Indus-

trious, Cannot fail of a Comfortable Substance.

The other letter, though the signers are not known and no copy has turned

up in German archives, where many such letters of solicitation ended up

after having been intercepted by the authorities, was likely furnished by

the Schley group:

We take this Opportunity to Acquaint you that the Ship in wch we

agreed to go to Pennsilvania is not Arrived but in the province of

Maryland, where we found many of our Countrymen, that have Estates

& Live very Comfortably, they received us wth great Kindness, Giving

us all Possible Assistance, the Land seems to be good, & we have

observed that an Industrious man may live wth great Comfort.

One of the Principal Gentlemen of this Country, (Mr. Dulany) who

Lives at Annapolis, the Capital of this Province, was so kind as to

Assist us wth 306 Pistoles & to free us from the Captain's power, we

are Persuaded that this Gentleman will be Serviceable to Aid and

Assist all Germans that will settle in this Province.

Such collective Amerikabriefe often met with understandable scepticism in

the old country. Therefore the letters were followed up with a more effec-

tive mission. In October 1748 four Monocacy Germans left for a visit to

the Palatinate, provided with a passport and a letter of recommendation of

Govenor Samuel Ogle. Four succcessful men embarked on the trip, farmers

John Jacob Brunner and Nicholas Benedick, wheelwright Stephen Rem-

sperger and waggonmaker Henry Thomas.

[21]

Remsperger and Brunner were both elders of the German Reformed

congregation at Frederick of which Thomas Schley had assumed the

leadership in the absence of an ordained minister. Jacob Brunner of Schiffer-

stadt near Mannheim had come to Philadelphia in 1731. He was one of

the pioneer settlers in Frederick County. Interestingly, he was the godfather

of Schley's first American-born child. Little is known about the mission of

the four Monocacy men in Germany. By April 1749 Brunner, on his way

back, stopped in Frankfurt where he purchased a record book for his

church.

During the spring and early summer of 1749 nearly ten thousand

prospective immigrants crowded the port city of Rotterdam, all but a few

going as redemptioners. Paying passengers were advised to proceed to

London where space might be available on regular merchant ships. By

coincidence a letter of a Swiss emigrant, Jacob Pfau, a saddler from Benken,

Canton Basel, who was headed for Winchester, Virginia, might refer to the

four returning Monocacy travelers and some of their relatives and friends

who embarked with them for Annapolis:

As for the trip, I went by Rhine boat as far as Holland. From there

I alone of all my countrymen proceeded with my household to London

where we lay for three weeks, waiting for a ship. When we could go

aboard at long last with moist eyes, I had to pay for only two passages,

twelve doubloons. Altogether we were 18 paying passengers and 15

children who went gratis. We spent eight weeks on the Thames waiting

for favorable winds . . . [on August 25th] we sailed off with good winds

and did not touch land anymore. We were nine weeks at sea without

sighting land. Then we spent two weeks in this bay and about four

weeks before Christmas we came ashore in Maryland. . . . My fellow-

travelers left us behind. They went to Monocacy to the German

people there.

BALTIMORE—THE NEW IMMIGRANT PORT

A new port, closer to Frederick County, was meanwhile evolving at the

mouth of the Patapsco. In 1745 two fledgling communities on both sides

of the river, Baltimore and Jones-Town were consolidated and this new

trade center grew as the resources of the interior were developed by the

Germans and other western settlers. Within a relatively short time Balti-

more rivaled Annapolis and wheat exports vied with the old Maryland

staple, tobacco. Many a ship brought as many new immigrants in a single

run as Baltimore had inhabitants. In 1752 the town counted scarcely more

than 25 houses and 200 souls. As the market-place for redemptioners it

attracted farmers from the hinterland who were in search of skilled or

unskilled help.

The elder Daniel Dulany's efforts in directing the immigrant trade

toward the Chesapeake Bay were bearing fruit at last. He dealt directly

with two Rotterdam shippers, Rocquette & Vanteylingen and Dunlop & Co.

His son Walter was put in charge of the Baltimore operations. The long

established redemptioner business in Philadelphia and New York was car-

ried out on a cash basis but in Maryland the situation was different as

Daniel Dulany wrote to Rotterdam: "Many of those who purchase the

people have no money but can readily pay in the produce of the Country."

He cited tobacco, flour and lumber as readily available return cargoes to be

offered at prices as low as, or even lower than, Philadelphia quotations.

In another letter to the firm of Dunlop & Co., Dulany expressed his

[ 22 ]

concern for the well-being of the passengers, mindful of his own experiences

as an Irish indentured servant half a century before:

The masters who have the Command of these ships, ought to be very

careful of the Provisions, to be kind & humane to the People, and to

see that every thing is kept clean. These things are more than neces-

sary, as the Germans are quite Ignorant of the necessary conduct in a

Sea Voyage, and are naturally very dirty ... I can assure you that

such of the Germans as come here, shall be protected from all Injurys

& Oppression so far it is in my power.

In his correspondence with Rocquette & Vanteylingen he refers to

Captain John Courtin of the ship Nancy who had arrived in Baltimore

at the beginning of August 1752 with a consignment of German redemp-

tioneers:

I believe he was very careful, and tho' he had a pretty long passage,

yet very few died or were sick when he arrived here. . . . This [the

strict enforcement of sanitary regulations] is the more necessary as

these people are naturally very nasty, and that nastyness to which

they are accustom'd in their own country, is destructive in a long sea

voyage.

The year 1752 marks the real beginning of the inclusion of Maryland

ports in the immigration shipping business. Several captains of the regular

Philadelphia run alternated trips to the Chesapeake Bay. From two old

parchment volumes discovered by Francis B. Mayer in the 1880's and first

described in pages of this Report, five of the ships carrying Germans

directly to Maryland from 1752 to 1755 are known to us. The entries made

for customs purposes are merely concerned with the cargo but they give us

clues in such remarks as "baggage of 300 Palatine passengers."

From

other sources we know that these ships carried the passengers as well:

Time of Arrival

Ship

Captain

No. of Germans

1752, Sept.

Integrity

John Coward

150

Oct.

Patience

Hugh Steel

260

Nov.

Friendship

James Lucas

300

1753, Sept.

Barclay

John Brown

160

Nov.

Friendship

John Rattray

300

1755, Jan.

Friendship

John Rattray

450

The Patience, 200 tons, 8 guns and a crew of 16, was owned by two

veterans of the immigrant trade, Captains John Brown and John Stedman.

She made annual runs to Philadelphia from 1748 to 1753 with the excep-

tion of 1752 when she was consigned to Messrs. F. & R. Snowdens and D.

Wolstenholme in Annapolis. John Brown himself commanded the Barclay,

120 tons, on her run to Maryland in 1753. Captain James Lucas was the

owner of the Friendship, 160 tons, built in 1740 in New England. Her home

port was Portsmouth. For the voyages of 1753 and 1754 Capt. John Rat-

tray was her master. The latter voyage must have been a particularly long

and trying one because the ship arrived in the dead of winter on January

16th, 1755 with her overload of 450 passengers. In 1753 the Friendship had

continued its voyage to Baltimore after clearing customs in Annapolis on

November 8th, for one of her passengers, Rosina Dorothea Kost of Walden-

[ 23 ]

burg, Hohenlohe, advised her brother-in-law Spohr in a newspaper adver-

tisement of her arrival "in Patapsco" on November 12th where she was

"sold at vendue" to serve for her passage money.

Much more is known about the Patience and her passengers. This

information also enlightens us about the efforts of prominent Marylanders

to attract direct immigration from Germany. The Patience had left

England in July and arrived late in September 1752 at Potomac but

according to a report from Annapolis, dated September 28th, "they have

been transferred to this place now." The passengers came with a special

recommendation of Caecilius Calvert, secretary and acting proprietor of

Maryland, to the Hon. Benjamin Tasker. Calvert requested all necessary

assistance and asked "to forward them to Manockesy ... or where else

they shall want to go to settle within the Province." Calvert's letter leaves

no doubt that this shipload of Germans was sponsored by the proprietor

himself, "the increase of People being always welcome." He reminded

Tasker, however, that "the charges attending any such service to them

must be done in the most moderate manner."

Among the passengers

were Christoph Bartholemew Mayer, a wigmaker and emigration pro-

motor,

and his son-in-law, the Rev. Bernard Michael Hausihl, a newly-

ordained Lutheran pastor, who was to assume the charge of the Lutherans

in Frederick County.

Both had probably given Calvert's agents a hand

in gathering this shipload of immigrants.

The arrivals mentioned above, spanning the period from August 1752 to

January 1755, account for at least 1,800 of the over 2,000 Germans Gover-

nor Sharpe reported to London as having been received in Maryland from

1748 to 1755.

This flow of German immigration was interrupted by the

war at sea during the years 1755 to 1763 although arrivals in other colonies

continued, indicating that it never came to a complete halt. The almost

complete shift of overseas traffic to Baltimore, for which no records are

available, leaves us only with fragmentary information for the years until

the Revolution. Some ships cleared at Annapolis before proceeding to Balti-

more. Aside from the brig Duke which landed twelve German passengers

from Amsterdam in September 1761, the Annapolis port entries from 1764

to 1773 list seven ships with German immigrants:

Time of

Ship

Captain

No. of Germans

1764, Sept.

Nancy

James Thompson

290

Dec.

Lovely Betsy

Aaron Martin

110

1765, Sept.

Britannia

Thomas Arnot

200

1772, Aug.

Baltimore

James Longmuir

Oct.

Betsy

Garret Brown

1773, July

Baltimore

James Longmuir

Oct.

Morning Star

George Dempster

350

The Nancy and Baltimore were both built in Maryland, and unlike the

Britannia which traded mostly to Philadelphia, seem to have been pri-

marily engaged in Maryland-bound trade. At this point not even a rough

estimate could be arrived at with respect to immigration through the port

of Baltimore prior to the Revolution. Occasionally Baltimore-bound ships

were forced by the lateness of the season to change course and sail to Phil-

adelphia. In December 1771 the brig Betsey, Capt. Andrew Bryson, and

on Christmas Eve 1772 the Morning Star, Capt. George Dempster,

[24]

arrived in Philadelphia with German redemptioners who were consigned to

James Christie, merchant in Baltimore.

Although there was demand for redemptioners, not all merchants con-

sidered their importation a lucrative business. When George Washington

was looking for two hundred Palatine families in 1774, he met with little

encouragement. Merchant Henry Riddell of Piscataway, Maryland, in-

formed him on March 18, 1774 that he "will think no further of importing

Germans, the difficulty attending it being so great."

After the War of Independence Baltimore braced itself for a resumption

of immigration. The founding of the German Society in 1783 was under-

taken with the expectation that "within a short time from now many of

our countrymen might leave their fatherland and seek improvement of their

lot in this country." During that year the Minerva, Bels, Harmony and

other ships brought hundreds of German redemptioners. Dutch and even

Hanseatic vessels were now taking over the immigrant business since

British-flag requirements and clearance from ports in Britain were no

longer imposed. The Baltimore firm of Valck, Burger and Schouten domi-

nated the importation of Germans and Swiss.

During the following years other ships joined in the regular run to

Baltimore, notably the North America, Candide, Capellen tot den Pol and

Lavater. The German Society had occasion to thank Capt. Claas Kulkens

of the brig Lavater publicly in August 1784 for the exceptionally good

treatment accorded its passengers.

The theological candidate John

Stanger of Stuttgart had reasons to praise the senior partner of Valck,

Burger and Schouten in his diary because Mr. Valck offered him his fare

as a gift in 1784.

The humane attitude of the firm was not always repaid

in kind as evidenced by a list of Germans who had fled the Capellen tot den

Pol, Capt. Herman Ryding, and the North America, Capt. Tys de Haas,

in October 1784, "as they could not obtain employment in the usual

manner . . . were permitted to go free upon signing an agreement to pay

the costs of passage" at a later date. By January 1786 the firm was still

waiting. A similar disappointment was experienced by Capt. A. P. de

Haas of the Candide, arriving August 1786, and again by Capt. Tys de

Haas of the North America, arriving September 1786.

All evidence points to a significant shift in the immigrant trade. It was

now carried out in an orderly fashion under the watchful eye of the

German Society. George Washington, who was still trying to import a

number of Germans for his large holdings, was informed by Christian Mayer

of Valck & Co. in March 1786:

When Germans emigrate to this Country they sign, before they embark

from Holland, an instrument of writing made between themselves and

the merchant who fits out the ship in which they take their passage.

We take the liberty to enclose to Your Excellency a translation of this

Contract; and by its contents it will appear to Your Excellency that

it is not practicable for us, or any other mercantile house, to enter

into a contract for a fixed number of these emigrants qualified to

answer certain purposes; also, that, for a period of three weeks after

their arrival on this shore, these people are at liberty to provide them-

selves with masters, and that they are engaged only to procure payment

of their passage within that time.

The firm offered, however, to notify Washington of the arrival of "young,

single men, labourers and farmers and no families burthned with many

small children."

[25]

Captains, merchants and the German Society could ameliorate the lot

of the immigrants but the dangers from the elements threatening the

sailing vessels had changed little by the last decade of the century as the

example of the storm-tossed ship Pegasus, Capt. H. Mangels, proved. The

Pegasus had left Bremen on October 14, 1793 and reached Baltimore only

on April 19, 1794.

During the last fifteen years of the 18th century Baltimore was no

longer only a port of debarkation for Maryland settlers. It was anticipating

the dominant role it was to play in the next century as the great gateway

of European immigration to the West. Much more research is needed to

assess properly the direct immigration through Annapolis and, subsequently

and concurrently, through Baltimore in the second half of the 18th century.

The fragmentary records presented here, together with information avail-

able for Halifax, Boston, New York, Charleston, Savannah and the Louisi-

ana coast, might eventually lead to an upward revision of our presently

accepted statistics of early German immigration.

APPENDIX

In the following the lives of four Germans are sketched who seem to

have played various roles in 18th century emigration.

JOHN THOMAS SCHLEY (1712-1790)

John Thomas Schley was born in Mörzheim, now part of Landau, in

the Palatinate. He taught school in Appenhofen, the home village of his

wife, Margaretha Wintz, from 1735 until 1744 when he left for America as

the leader of a group of emigrants. Soon after his arrival in the newly

laid-out town of Frederick he began lay services for the Reformed congre-

gation and opened the first parochial school. The Rev. Michael Schlatter,

organizer of the German Reformed Church in America, visited Frederick

in 1747 and called Schley "the best schoolmaster that I have met in

America." Thomas Schley was particularly gifted as a music teacher. He

also composed a number of hymns and later served as organist. Only

recently Schley has been recognized as one of the earliest fraktur artists

in America.

In May 1746 he had bought four lots from Daniel Dulany

as premises for an inn. His home was the first house to have been built in

Frederick. Altogether he prospered by various pursuits. In March 1761 he

urged relatives in Germany to come to Maryland. Especially for their

children, he wrote, "conditions here would be a thousand times better than

abroad. Here at least they have a chance to do well in time—in a short

time, in fact—and live in plenty. . . ."

Thomas Schley died 78 years old

in 1790 "after having had the satisfaction of seeing a dreary wood, late

the habitation of bears, wolves, deer etc. and the occasional hunting ground

of the gloomy savage, converted into a flourishing town."

CHRISTOPH BARTHOLOMEW MAYER (1702-1753)

Christoph Bartholemew Mayer was a wigmaker and hairdresser in

Leipheim which belonged then to the territory of the Imperial City of Ulm.

When he became involved in recruiting emigrants for Nova Scotia under

a scheme of the English Board of Trade in 1750, the authorities stepped in

and forbade him to persuade others to leave. In June 1751 he was released

[ 26 ]

from his Ulm citizenship and moved with his wife and four children to The

Hague. Evidently Mayer intended to go from Holland to "Eben Ezar"

(the Salzburger colony of Ebenezer in Georgia). During his sojourn of one

year in Holland he met agents of Caecilius Calert for whom he gathered

settlers from among the Germans crowding into Dutch ports in search of

transportation to America. Provided with a letter of introduction from

Calvert, Mayer arrived in Annapolis with more than 250 Germans aboard

the Patience in 1752. He died in Frederick six months after his arrival.

BERNARD MICHAEL HAUSIHL (1727-1799)

Bernard Michael Hausihl was originally from Heilbronn. It is known

that he studied Lutheran theology in Strasbourg. Next we find him living

in Holland where he played an as yet undetermined role in emigration

schemes. After marrying Sybilla, a daughter of Bartholemew Mayer, he

was ordained in Holland and soon afterward arrived with the Mayer family

in Maryland. He assumed the pastorate of the Lutheran church in Fred-

erick and served there for seven years. Later he was active in the ministry

in Pennsylvania until the Revolution when, as a loyalist, he repaired to

Canada. He was re-ordained by the Bishop of London as a missionary to

Nova Scotia where he served with distinction until the end of his life.

CHRISTIAN MAYER (1763-1842)

Christian Mayer, a nephew of Bartholomew Mayer above, was a native

of Ulm. He received a solid training in the mercantile business in Ulm and

Zurich before coming to Baltimore in 1784. Until 1800 he worked with the

shipping firm of Valck & Co. during which he handled much of the redemp-

tioner business. Mayer made a special study of all laws and regulations

relating to servitude and indentured service. Some of his findings were

published in 1791 in Schloezer's Staats-Anzeigen in Göttingen in an article

which represents one of the best descriptions of the immigrant trade as it

had evolved toward the end of the 18th century. After going into business

for himself, Mayer remained for decades a leader in the foreign trade and

in marine insurance in Baltimore. From 1917-20 as president of the Ger-

man Society, he was instrumental in obtaining legislation for the protection

of redemptioners.

Dieter Cunz, The Maryland Germans (Princeton, 1948), 91.

Liber "Port of Entry Records, Annapolis 1748-1759 and Oxford 1742-1756," Hall of Records,

Annapolis; Liber "The Port of Annapolis Entries 1756-1775," Maryland Historical Society.

Maryland Archives, XXVII, 496.

Amercan Weekly Mercury, 15 Jan. 1723.

The Report, SHGM, XXIII (1929) 55.

"Calvert Papers," Hall of Records. Maryland Archives, XLV, 697.

see Appendix.

Pennsylvania Gazette, 25 Dec. 1744; Saur's Pennsyl. Bericht, 16 Feb. 1745.

Cunz, Md. Germans, 71.

10+11

Maryland Archives, XLIV, 697.

Maryland Archives, XLIV, 698; James B. Ranck and Dorothy S. Ranck, A History of the

Evangelical Reformed Church, Frederick, Maryland (Frederick, MD, 1964), 16-17. This is an excep-

tionally good congregational history with invaluable information on the early Monocacy settlers.

Jacob Pfau, Winchester, VA to Hans Heinrich Pfau, Biel-Benkcn (Basel), 17 Sept. 1750, in

Staatsarchiv Basel, Akte Auswanderung A.

Dulany to Rocquette & Vanteylingen, 29 Dec. 1752, Dulany Papers, Maryland Historical Society.

Dulany to Dunlop & Co., 29 Dec. 1752, MHS.

Maryland Gazette, 5 Aug. 1752; Dulany to Rocquette, 29 Dec. 1752, MHS.

"Memoranda in Reference to Early German Emigration," The Report, SHGM, V (1890/1)

15-19.

Pennsylvania Gazette, 20 Sept. 1753 (Barclay); Virginia Gazette, 24 Nov. 1752 (Friendship);

Saur's Penns. Berichte, 16 Feb. 1754 (Friendship).

Penns. Berichte, 1 Nov. 1752; The Report, SHGM, V (1890/1) 16-7.

20+21

see Appendix.

[27]

Cunz, Md. Germans, 91.

Compiled from "The Port of Annapolis Entries 1756-1775," MHS.

Ralph B. Strassburger and William John Hinke, eds., Pennsylvania German Pioners (Norris-

town PA, 1934), I, 738, 745.

Klaus Wust, The Virginia Germans (Charottesville, VA, 1969), 106-7.

Klaus Wust, Pioneers in Service: The German Society of Maryland (Baltimore), 1958), 1-4.

Ibid., 5.

MS "Johannes Stanger: Tagebuch 1784/6." Thanks are due to Mary B. Kegley of Richmond

for sharing photocopies of excerpts with our Society.

The advertisements in the Philadelphische Correspondenz, 8 March 1785, 31 Jan. 1786 and 13

March 1787 list all delinquent redemptioners by name. See The Report, SHGM, XXXII (1966) 59-60,

and XXXIII (1968) 60.

Mayer to Washington, 3 March 1786, in Brantz Mayer, Genealogy and Memoir of the Mayer

Family (Baltimore, 1878), 40. For sample contract and indenture see Christian Mayer, "Deutsche

Emigranten nach Nordamerika," Schloezer's Staats-Anzeigen, XVI (Göttingen, 1791), 114-9.

Maryland Journal, 1 Jan. 1795.

An extensive appraisal of Schley's role as a folk artist is presently in preparation by the author.

The help of the Historical Society of Frederick County and the Heimatstelle Pfalz in Kaiserlautern

in supplying material on Schley is gratefully acknowledged

For Schley letters in the State Archives in Speyer see The Report SHGM, XXX (1959), 112-4.

From a tribute by John C. Cary in The Key, Frederick, MD, 27 Jan. 1798.

We are indebted to Dr. H. E. Specker, Director of the City Archives in Ulm for references to

German sources which substantially revise earlier writings on Mayer and his descendants. Cf. Albrecht

Weyermann, Neue historisch-biographisch-artistiche Nachrichten von Gelehrten und Kunstlern, aus alten

und neuen adelichen und bürgerichen Familien aus der vormaligen Reichsstadt Ulm (Ulm, 1829), 312

Information on Mayer, the peruquier (# 469) will be published in the forthcoming article by Werner

Hacker, "Auswanderung aus dem Gebiet der Reichsstadt Ulm," in Ulm und Oberschwaben Vols. 42/43

(1978).

Dieter Cunz, "Christian Mayer, Baltimore Merchant," American-German Review, X, iii (1944),

11-13; Wust, Pioneers in Service, 6-15, 38-9.

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