Report1112Hennighausenp320.pdf

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REMINISCENCES

OF THE

Political Life of the German-Americans in Baltimore

DURING THE YEARS

185O—1860.

REMINISCENCES

OF THE

POLITICAL LIFE OF THE GERMAN-AMERICANS IN

BALTIMORE DURING THE YEARS

1850—1860.

Continued from Page 59—Seventh Annual Report.

PART II.

By LOUIS P. HENNIGHAUSEN.

EFORE I continue my narrative of the persecution and

sufferings of the German-Americans under the regime

of the American Party in the City of Baltimore dur-

ing the years of 1850 to 1860, I deem it necessary, for a bet-

ter understanding of the political situation of those years, to

refer more at length to the conduct of a part of the Ger-

man-Americans in the Country at large, which to some ex-

tent influenced the formation of the American, so-called

Know-Nothing Party.

The immigration had from the year 1849 increased to

about 400,000 and more persons annually, being each year in

numbers about equal to the total number of inhabitants of

such States as Maryland, North Carolina, Alabama, Georgia,

and twice the number of such States as Louisiana and South

Carolina. If these immigrants were inimical to slavery, it

was an easy arithmetical problem to figure the time, when

slavery would be abolished, and the author of the celebrated

Madison Letters in defense of the American Party, laid great

stress on this coming result. The literary and leading men

of the German immigration of these years, with some excep-

tions, shared the political views of those we have seen active

in our City of Baltimore. The temerity of the so-styled free

Germans in Louisville, Ky., and Richmond, Va., however ex-

ceeded our Baltimore champions. In Louisville they adopted

and published in the year 1854 a political platform from

which we cull the following. It reads:

Slavery Question. — Notwithstanding that we consider

Slavery to be a political and moral cancer, that will by and

by undermine all Republicanism, we deem its sudden aboli-

tion neither possible nor advisable. But we, as Republicans

and men, demand that the further extension of Slavery be

not constantly urged, whilst not a single step is taken for

its extermination. We demand in particular, Slavery be ex-

cluded from all the new territories indiscriminately and for

ever, etc., etc.

Religious Question. — We consider the right of free

expression of religious conscience untouchable, etc. Religion

is a private matter, it has nothing to do with politics, hence

it is despotism to compel citizens by political means to re-

ligious manifestations or omissions contrary to their private

persuasions. We therefore hold the Sabbath laws, thanks-

giving days, prayers in Congress and Legislatures, the oaths

upon the Bible, the introduction of the Bible into the free

schools, the exclusion of "atheists" from legal acts, etc., as

an open violation of human rights as well as of the Consti-

tution, and therefore demand their removal.

Measures for the Welfare of the People. — The public

lands ought to be given free to the actual settler, and poor

settlers to be aided by the National Government; a Depart-

ment of Immigration for the colonization of immigrants to

be created; a ten hour labor day; security for wage-earners

and preference for Union Workmen; free schools, and Ger-

man teachers where there are German settlements; the Con-

stitution of the United States to be amended so that:

1. All elections shall be directly by the people,

That a citizen from another State or District is eli-

gible,

That a representative in Congress or Senate may be

recalled by a majority of his constituents,

Secure free trade,

7. That woman shall have equal rights with men,

Equal rights of all men before the law,

Abolition of penal laws.

The Free German Society in Richmond, Va., demanded:

Universal suffrage,

The election of all officers by the people,

The abolition of the Presidency,

The abolition of the Senates, so that all Legislatures

shall consist of one branch only,

The right of the people to recall their representatives

at their pleasure,

The right of the people to change the Constitution

when they like,

All law-suits to be conducted without expense,

A department of the Government to be set up for

the purpose of protecting immigration,

A reduced term for immigrants to acquire citizen-

ship.

Reform in the Foreign Relations of the Government: —

Abolition of all neutrality,

Intervention in favor of every people struggling for

liberty.

Reform in what relates to Religions: —

1. A more perfect development of the principle of per-

sonal freedom and liberty of conscience; consequently, a) abo-

lition of laws for the observance of the Sabbath; b) abolition

of prayers in Congress; c) abolition of oath upon the Bible;

d) repeal of laws enacting a religious test before taking an

office.

Taxation of church property,

A prohibition of incorporations of all church prop-

erty in the name of ecclesiastics.

Reform in Social Condition:—

Abolition of all land monopoly,

Ad valorum taxation of property,

Amelioration of the condition of the working class,

a) by lessening the time of work to eight hours for grown

persons and to five hours for children; b) by incorporation

of Mechanics' Associations and Protective Societies; c) by

granting a preference to mechanics before all other creditors;

d) by establishing, at public expense, an asylum for super-

annuated mechanics without means.

Education of poor children by the State,

Taking possession of railroads by the State,

The promotion of education: a) by the introduction

of free schools, with the power of enforcing parents to send

their children to school, and prohibition of all clerical in-

fluence; b) by instruction in the German language; c) by es-

tablishing a German University.

The supporting of the slave emancipation exertions

of Cassius M. Clay by Congressional laws.

Abolition of the Christian system of punishment and

introduction of the humane amelioration system.

Abolition of capital punishment.

There was certainly enough in these platforms, at the

time they were published, to set the world on fire; but they

also show what a set of impractical harmless visionaries these

men were. It is to be remarked that among their versatile

demands of reform, we find some of the earliest beginning of

economic and political questions which in our days have

grown to importance. I refer to the Labor Organizations and

Railroads, etc. I do not understand why these men were in

those days always alluded to as ignorant foreigners, unless it

was on the ground that the speakers and writers did not

understand them.

These men, a minute fraction of the large German im-

migration, brought with their paradoxical demands a great

deal of harm to the great mass of their fellow immigrants,

who, instead of making political platforms, were engaged in

building churches and school houses, which last into our

days.

About those years the old Whig Party had been com-

pletely wrecked by the victorious Democratic Party. The

northern fragments of the former Whig Party joined the

young Republican Party, the southern fragments could not

do so on account of the Slavery question, and their politi-

cians being without a job, were fishing for some popular sen-

timents to build a new party, antagonistic to their old enemy,

the Democratic Party.

The hatred of foreigners is not confined to the Chinese,

it is found everywhere on this globe and increases in the

same ratio, as ignorance prevails among the lower classes.

A language not understood is gibberish, and the man who

does not understand you, appears dumb, stupid and ignorant

to you. Add to this the fact, that the mass of the immi-

grants located in the populous cities of the North, had voted

the Democratic ticket, as the Democratic Party had especi-

ally cultivated the immigrants and looked after them on their

arrival, for their party welfare; also the anti-slavery tendency

of the German immigration and in fostering the religious

intolerance against the Roman Church represented largely by

the Irish immigration, the politicians thought they had enough

timber to build up the victorious "American" so-called Know-

Nothing Party.

The aforementioned platforms of the free Germans were

widely published by the Know-Nothing newspapers as repre-

senting the sentiments of the German immigrants;—as being

hostile and inimical to our free institutions and destructive

of what is cherished as the best and holiest in human nature.

The politicians made adroit use of some of the articles of

these foolish conglomeration platforms to inflame the preju-

dice and hatred towards all immigrants.

Many well-meaning and intelligent Americans knew that

these platforms were issued by a comparatively few and er-

ratic, men, as are found among all civilized nations, and

smiled at the idea of abolishing our President and Senate

and other demands of equal absurdity. They did not hold

the mass of the immigration responsible for this rubbish, yet

they believed that the natural slow, but sure process of as-

similation and amalgamation of people of different nationali-

ties into a homogeneous nation, could be hastened by meas-

ures and laws, driving them into it; or else depriving them

of their political privileges and rights, and therefore joined

the American Party.

This however cannot be said of the brutal resolution

offered by the Committee on Foreign Relation in the House

of Representatives in Congress on the 16th of April, 1856.

It recommended:

"The adoption of a State policy which will discounte-

"nance the esprit du corps, now so studiously cultivated

"among the foreigners in our large cities, which is calcu-

"lated if not designed to keep them foreigners in feelings,

"sentiment and habits, though they enjoy the benefits of

"our institutions and owe allegiance to our laws. Let

"their separate and distinctive civil and military organiza-

"tions, wherever they exist, be frowned down, and a policy

"be pursued which will break up and destroy those foreign

"organizations, and oblige those belonging to them to iden-

"tify themselves with the country of their adoption."

This was clearly an appeal to mob-violence, riot and

brutal oppression. The corrupt and low politicians of the

American Party took up this hue and cry of political perse-

cution, and the rowdy element in our city, which, by a de-

moralization of our volunteer fire department, had of late

years become more dominant and lawless, with devilish de-

light, took the hint which came from so high authority.

The volunteer fire department had been for many years

a most useful and effective organization in our city. Our

best citizens were either active or contributive members of it.

With the rapid increase of the city and the frequency of the

fires, the busy mechanics and active business men found it less

convenient to extinguish the numerous small and large fires,

and their place was taken, to a large extent, by idle young men,

who preferred the excitement of rushing to and extinguishing

a fire to the dull routine of an industrious life. The citizens

liberally supported these volunteer companies and the engine

houses of ten became the home of idle and dissolute men, who

slept there and drank much of the cheap whiskey.

The rivalry of the different companies gradually led to

fights among the disorderly element, and many of the fires were

the occasion of a general free fight among the firemen. So bit-

ter became the feud among them, that many incendiary fires

were started and false alarms given on purpose to entrap or am-

buscade a hostile company in a part of the city where the com-

pany to be attacked had but few friends living. The engine

houses became partly armories and the firemen went to the fires

armed with revolvers. On the 28th of November, 1848, there

were not less than five fires in one hour at different parts of the

city, evidently incendiary to bring about collisions between the

hostile companies. There were days when from twenty to

thirty fire alarms were sounded. On Saturday night, the 25th

of September, 1847, a riot took place between the New Market

and United fire companies on one side, and the Watchmen

Company on the other, which lasted about two hours ; the hose

carriage of the New Market was captured and thrown into the

water at the Light Street Wharf. On Saturday night, August

18th, 1855, a riot took place on Franklin Street, between How-

ard and Eutaw Streets, among the firemen of the New Market,

United and Mount Vernon companies; two men were killed

and many wounded.

With the advent of the Know-Nothing Party the fire com-

panies drifted more into decided political organizations, be-

longing either to the Democratic or Know-Nothing Party.

The rowdy element had thus become fostered and it now or-

ganized itself into purely political clubs, who ostensibly formed

fishing clubs for social purposes, but in reality were formed for

the purpose of carrying the election in favor of their party by

ruffianism, intimidation, rioting, violence, murder and blood-

shed.

Encouraged, winked at, and protected by those in author-

ity, including therein the police, who were then not yet in uni-

form, and by the Justices of the Peace, these political ruffians

especially made assaults, committed robberies, in the streets in

daylight, and many murders on the peaceable law-abiding Ger-

man inhabitants of our city.

These fishing clubs, proud of their lawless character and

conduct, adopted names indicating their ferocious nature. The

most infamous among them were the " Plug Uglies," the " Tig-

ers," the "Blood Tubs," the "Rip Raps," the "Wampoonongs,"

the "Hard Times," "Hunters" and "Empire."

On the 18th of August, 1853, the "Know-Nothing" Party

held its first public mass-meeting in the City of Baltimore in

Monument Square, and it was attended by nearly five thousand

persons. Ruffianism increased, and instead it being confined to

the firemen, it spread among the political so-called fishing

clubs.

On the 12th of September, 1856, in the afternoon, the

"Rip Rap" and "Wampoonong" clubs, in their red flanell shirts,

paraded past the Seventeenth Ward House, kept by James

Clark, on Light, near Henrietta Street, when a bloody riot took

place; the firing of guns and revolvers was uninterrupted for

more than half an hour, every man of the two fishing clubs

was armed with a revolver, and the men of the Seventeenth

Ward House had shot-guns.

And old man sawing wood on the pavement, and a youth

passing at the time, were killed, and some twenty badly wounded

by shots. Yet not one of the rioters was arrested and none

punished, although well known to the authorities.

On Wednesday, the 8th of October following, when Thomas

Swann was elected Mayor of the city, the entire city was in the

hands of the lawless element, men, frenzied with bad whiskey,

firing recklessly their revolvers in the streets and taking a

devilish delight in shooting and assaulting harmless citizens of

German or Irish nativity, were in possession of various parts of

the city; about 12 o'clock a desperate, struggle taking place

between the "Rip Raps" and the New Market men, in the Lex-

ington Market. It turned into a regular battle. A great many

persons were wounded and carried from the ground, and the

drug stores near the scene of action were filled with the wounded

and dying.

This was however only a preliminary skirmish to the riot-

ing and fighting done on the coming Presidential election, the

4th of November, 1856.

Millard Fillmore was the candidate of the "Know-Noth-

ing," James Buchanan of the Democratic and General John C.

Fremont of the Republican Party. It was well known and

openly declared by the rowdy element, to carry the election by

violence. Public speakers at the mass-meetings encouraged

them to use force. They were advised to stick the foreigners

with the awl, and awls were freely furnished to the boys. A

political procession paraded Baltimore Street, carrying with

them a gigantic awl, ten feet long, upright on a wagon. Awls

figured on the political transparents ; and many a German, es-

pecially after dark on the streets of Baltimore, had an awl

driven into his body. On the day of the Presidential election,

armed and organized associations, belonging to both political

parties, resorted to firearms, with which they were liberally

provided, and fought with ferocious and daring recklessness.

The most serious fights occurred in the Second and Eighth

Ward Polls. In these fights eight men were killed and about

one hundred and fifty wounded.

During the morning there was considerable ill-feeling dis-

played at the Second Ward Polls, but up to three o'clock no

serious disturbance occurred. At that hour a furious fight

broke out, said to have originated from a stone being thrown

into the crowd surrounding the window. Pistols were imme-

diately drawn and fired by both parties. The Democrats drove

the Know-Nothings from the polls and up into High Street.

The alarm was carried to the Fourth Ward Polls, and a strong

body of Know-Nothings started from there. In the vicinity of

the Second Ward Polls they were met and driven back. Fur-

ther reinforcements were then received and the battle renewed.

A good proportion of both parties by this time were provided

with muskets, whilst others used pistols, and others fought

with knives and clubs. Both parties fought with determina-

tion, and in many instances behaved with the most reckless dis-

regard of danger. The battle-ground was spread over portions

of Fawn, Stiles, Exeter and High Streets, and Eastern Avenue,

and the spectacle presented was a terrible and revolting one.

As either party gained a temporary advantage, men would be

seen running, with others shooting at them; the wounded were

limping off and being carried away by their companions, whilst

others, begrimed with smoke and powder, and in some cases

covered with blood, still kept up the fight, now firing singly

and then in volleys. In the surrounding neighborhood the ut-

most degree of excitement and consternation prevailed. Chil-

dren were hastily gathered, the houses closed, and the occu-

pants in many instances sought their garrets and cellars to be

out of harm's way. The Democrats were finally overpowered,

driven away from the polls, and retreated, still fighting, down

Eastern Avenue. In the neighborhood, of the Causeway they

again made a stand, and there a guerilla warfare, carried on

from the alleys and street-corners, continued for more than an

hour.

About three o'clock in the afternoon a report was brought

to the police stationed at the Eighth Ward, that there was

fighting at the Sixth Ward, and assistance was asked to quell it.

The police started, and with them several hundred of the crowd

assembled around the polls, who in a few moments were armed

with muskets, and accompanied by two gangs of boys, each

dragging small brass cannon on wheels. They passed along

the side of the Belair Market, and towards Orleans Street,

where they were met by a concourse of equally as wild infuri-

ated men and youths, armed with muskets and pistols. A fight

then commenced, the Eighth Ward Democrats taking shelter in

the market-house, and the Sixth and Seventh Ward Know-

Nothings firing from the fish-market and the corner of Orleans

Street. They finally rallied on the Eighth Ward party and

drove them up through the market, accompanied by perfect

volleys of musketry and the occasional discharge of a swivel.

The fighting through the market was continued with but little

intermission up to dark, when both parties retired. The scene

in the vicinity of the Belair Market was of the most sanguinary

character throughout the afternoon. At times one party would

apparently obtain the better of the other, and they continued to

drive each other back and forward through the market-house.

The Sixth Ward party were reinforced shortly after the battle

commenced by a detachment of the Seventh Ward and other

Know-Nothing clubs, who brought with them a small cannon

on wheels. The Democrats got possession of this cannon at one

time and were about carrying it off, when it upset and the can-

non fell off the wheels. Whilst the fight was going on in the

Belair Market, word was sent to the Central Station for aid.

High Constable Herring, Deputy Brashears, and Sergeant Tay-

man, with a squad of twenty men, repaired to the scene. On

arriving at the market, they found the Eighth Warders with a

cannon in position, preparing to fire. They attempted to take

possession of the piece, but were immediately surrounded by an

infuriated crowd armed with muskets. They attempted to

make arrests, but were foiled by the number and fierceness of

the assailants, but succeeded, however, in carrying off the can-

non. The Know-Nothing Party carried the election by a large

majority, and the city was in the hands of the lawless rowdy

element.

The "Baltimore Wecker," a German daily paper, was at

that time the only paper in Baltimore which supported the Re-

publican candidates. Most able writers contributed daily vig-

orous articles to it, expounding the doctrines of the Republican

Party, principally on the Homestead Law and the Restriction

of Slavery. The paper was in its tone bold and highly aggres-

sive. It was the organ of the younger, more recent immigra-

tion, and had a great deal of talent in its service. Among its

famous editors we name: Karl Heinrich Schnauffer, August

Becker, Karl Gottfried Becker and later Wilhelm Rapp and

General Franz Siegel,—all men driven from the fatherland by

the miscarried revolution of 1848.

The Democratic Party was ably represented by the con-

servative daily, "Der Deutsche Correspondent," edited by Dr.

Morris Wiener, Dr. Landsberg and by its owner, Col. Frederick

Raine. The older immigration remained true to the Democratic

Party, due to a large extent in gratitude of the protection it had

always afforded them. The rowdy element however made no

distinction in its riotous conduct between Republicans and

Democrats, and in the elections of those years the vote of the

German element, in common defense against the Know-Nothing

Party, was solid for the Democratic Party. The ruffians now

dominated in the city, there was hardly a German picnic or

gathering in or out of the city, which was not disturbed by in-

roads of armed ruffians, who used slung-shots, bowie knives and

revolvers, to intimidate, hurt, wound and kill among the parti-

cipants of harmless recreation, who were not guilty of any other

offense than having been born on a foreign soil. The Turner,

as well as other organizations, formed military rifle companies

and thus, armed for self-defense, would march, accompanied by

the families and friends, to the gardens which were then num-

erous in the suburbs, to enjoy a few hours in the open air in

social intercourse, with music, song and gymnastical exercise,

as used to it in the old country. In those days there were no

street cars, the men, headed by a music band, would march in

procession in the middle of the street, and their wives and chil-

dren would walk on the pavements, the distance of one or two

miles to the garden, where the picnic was to be held. To escape

the rowdyism, excursions to a greater distance by railroad were

arranged. The Zion Church on Gay Street went to Magnolia

Grove by the P. W. &. B. R. R., to the east side of the Gunpow-

der river, but the ruffians even followed there and had a bloody

fight with the officers.

The lawless element, feeling that the city authorities who

owed their election to them, were either in accord with or in-

timidated by them, gained strength in number and spirit of

violence during the year 1857. It did not confine its attack on

naturalized citizens only, but every Democratic voter came un-

der its ban and persecution.

A new City Council was to be elected on the 14th of Octo-

ber. It was known before, to the authorities, that the election

was to be carried by brutal violence, but no precautionary meas-

ures were taken. The election was a mere mockery, accom-

panied throughout the city by riot and bloodshed. Sergeant

William Jordan of the police force was killed in the Eighth

Ward.

In some of the wards naturalized citizens were not allowed

to vote. Owing to the manner in which the election was con-

ducted by the party in power, during the day a number of the

Democratic candidates withdrew from the contest, and quite a

number of the Judges of Election resigned.

To give an idea of the manner in which the election was

carried on, we have the following result: The Know-Nothing

ticket polled 11,898 votes; the Democratic ticket polled 2,792

votes; majority for the Know-Nothings 9,106 votes. The Demo-

cratic ticket polled in the Twentieth Ward one vote, in the

Eleventh Ward two, in the Fourteenth eight, in the Seventeenth

ten, and in the Eighth 1,013 votes. Governor Ligon, in his

message to the Legislature of 1858, gives a narrative of the

political events which transpired in the City of Baltimore at

this time, from which we extract the following:

"At the municipal election in Baltimore, held October,

1856, an organized force was made apparent at the polls, which

in its direct influence was felt by naturalized citizens. This

class of voters was to a considerable extent excluded from the

exercise of suffrage; many of them beaten, and others overawed

and deterred by violence from visiting the polls. Such were

the representations made to me, asserted by a portion of the

Press of the city, and measurably conceded by all. In the course

of the day, bloody and destructive riots took place, and the sub-

sequent record comprehended a list of killed and wounded truly

appalling. The city was temporarily outlawed by its fury, and

it is beyond all question with me, that could the executive au-

thority have commanded military power at the moment of the

emergency, it would have been my duty then to have interposed,

and overwhelmed a lawless demonstration clearly defiant of the

municipal police. As the time approached for the Presidential

election in November, 1856, apprehension generally prevailed

that recurrence of similar scenes was inevitable. Political sen-

timent and party animosity were alike demonstrative and violent,

and peaceable and orderly citizens, and especially naturalized

citizens, were utterly hopeless of those decencies and proprieties

essential to the freedom of suffrage. In short, the large body of

citizens composing the Democratic Party within the City of

Baltimore saw the day of election approach, under the assur-

ance that they would not be suffered to record their votes, and

on the other hand would be exposed to the consequences of the

most reckless frauds.

"On the eve of the Presidential election I proceeded to Bal-

timore and sought an interview with the Mayor of the city

(Thomas Swann), in a vain hope of such a co-operation of in-

fluences, and moral and material power, as would ensure the

peace of the city, prevent bloodshed, and secure to every citizen,

without respect to party, the exercise of his political rights.

My overtures were repulsed with cold civility. I was thrown

upon my personal and official responsibility, before an impor-

tant and respectable community, for the initiative in a measure

which the exigency of the time demanded, and the executive of

the city was indisposed to adopt. The day of election was then

too near at hand for me to mature, under my official authority

and by my independent act, a force adequate to the probable

necessity which menaced the occasion. I accordingly left the

full measure of accountability with the Mayor and his subordi-

nates. How fearful that accountability was, the sanguinary

deeds of that election day have sufficiently proven. Again party

animosity ran riot throughout the city; the most desperate en-

counters took place, in which hundreds of infuriated partisans

were engaged; arms of all kinds were employed, and bloodshed,

wounds and death stained the record of the day, and added an-

other page of dishonor to the annals of the distracted city. I

retired from the scene, convinced that all this might have been

prevented, and not without a painful sense of duty unfulfilled."

The rowdy element was now stronger and more violent than

ever before in the City of Baltimore. The hated word "for-

eigners" being constantly applied by the Know-Nothing press,

to naturalized citizens, they being charged with having no sym-

pathy with the free institutions of our country, the leaders

of the German-American element in our city determined to

make a patriotic political demonstration, by directing the atten-

tion of the native Americans to the share of the German element

in this country in the War of Independence. The most impressive

Way to achieve this, was decided to be the erection of a pub-

lic monument to one of the heroes of German extraction, who

distinguished himself in the War of Independence, 1776 to 1782.

There was no lack of such heroes; in the battle of Long

Island there was in the Maryland line a regiment commanded

in the German language by Col. Ludwig Weltner. Some years

ago I accidentally discovered the muster-roll of this regiment

among the archive in the State House at Annapolis. There was

Major General Herkheimer, the hero and victor of the battle of

Oriskana, Major-Generals Mühlenberg, DeKalb, General Hiester,

etc., and Baron von Steuben, the organizer and drill-master of

the Continental army. The choice fell upon "Baron von Steu-

ben" as the most prominent, competent and meritorious of these

Generals. A festival in grand style was arranged for the 2d of

September, 1858. Most every German organization took part

in it. Preparations were made weeks, yea months before, by

the several societies, for a gorgeous procession. The English as

well as the German papers were full of biographies of the Baron,

many anecdotes relating to him in the war, were published.

Baron von Steuben, and Washington at Valley Forge, and the

whole War for Independence, became the topic of conversation

among the public. The "Steuben Festival" became an epoch in

our local history. For many years thereafter the brilliant suc-

cess of the undertaking was the theme among the German-

Americans of our city. The day was fair, and in the morning

at seven o'clock, the different societies in bright uniforms, re-

galias, with national flags and banners, marched to the strains

of brass bands, through the streets from all parts of the city to

Broadway, where a procession over a mile in length was formed.

Not until the celebration of the German Day, October 6th, 1890,

was there again such a demonstration, wherein all the German-

Americans united with such patriotic enthusiasm and wherein

such a large number of native born shared, in the common

brotherhood of our beloved American Nation. At nine o'clock

the procession started from Broadway. First marched five mili-

tary companies, each in different gala dress, with music bands

playing, then came coaches with the officers, orators and invited

guests, Mr. A. Schumacher as President, then a large bust of

General von Steuben on a platform highly decorated, followed

by fifteen singing societies with their flags and gorgeous ban-

ners, six beneficial societies, forty lodges in regalia with ban-

ners, three rifle companies, gymnastic clubs, etc., etc. The pro-

cession marched through Baltimore and several other streets,

where the citizens had decorated their houses, to "Rullman's

Garden" on the Frederick Road, now Avenue, near the junction

of Baltimore Street. An immense concourse of people, among

them many natives, assembled there. After an hour's rest, the

speaking commenced. Dr. E. Wiss opened the meeting in a

short vigorous speech, then followed Rev. Henry Scheib in a

German, and Hon. Joshua T. Vansant in an English oration, Dr.

Wisz in German, Wm. H. Young in English, Hon. Thos. Swann,

the Mayor, in English, and Mr. Eberle, of Washington, in a

German speech. The financial part of the festival was also a

success. This imposing demonstration, the most brilliant of its

kind up to that time ever held in Baltimore, of the patriotism

and firm attachment to our political institutions by the German-

American element, satisfied all the intelligent native born, if

they ever had any doubts, of the sincerity of their political al-

legiance to their adopted country. The Know-Nothing press be-

came more just and mild in speaking of their naturalized fellow

citizens, what effect however it had on the rowdy element which

still infested the city, we will relate in our next contribution.